He found himself amidst a proverbial sea of people as he arrived in Munger — a historic city renowned for pottery and a firearms factory on the southern bank of the Ganga—at 3:30 am on February 28. Most of the crowd consisted of youths chanting in unison, "Tejashwi Yadav jindabad."
Tejashwi Yadav was running six to seven hours behind schedule, delayed by the enthusiastic and hopeful youths who thronged around his convoy during the Jan Vishwas Yatra (journey to earn people’s trust). This yatra, led by the young Rashtriya Janata Dal leader, commenced on February 20 from Muzaffarpur in northern Bihar and is slated to conclude with a rally at Patna's Gandhi Maidan on March 3.
However, the yatra has traversed villages and towns both north and south of the Ganga across Bihar, seemingly propelling Tejashwi as an emerging mass leader akin to his indomitable father, Lalu Prasad Yadav, in the 1990s. While Lalu emerged as the foremost icon of social justice and secularism, Tejashwi is poised to emerge as the "storehouse" of jobs in an era where unemployment has become India's most pressing curse.
Not only has he matched his father’s charisma in terms of drawing crowds, but he also appears to outshine his competitors in the anti-Hindutva arena of the Hindi heartland. Beyond everything else, he pledges to provide four lakh government jobs during his seventeen-month tenure as Bihar's deputy chief minister and promises to replicate this achievement upon assuming power.
What has lent credence to Tejashwi’s campaign, especially at a time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi has failed to fulfill his promise of creating two crore jobs annually, is the fact that he compelled the Bihar government to provide over four lakh jobs to youths through competitive examinations conducted by the Bihar Public Service Commission.
During the 2020 elections, Tejashwi promised to deliver 10 lakh jobs, a pledge that resonated with voters; his RJD emerged as the single largest party with 79 MLAs, though it narrowly missed forming the government. He assumed the role of deputy CM when Nitish parted ways with the BJP in August 2022 and joined the Mahagathbandhan, now known as the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). However, he lost his position of power when Nitish realigned with the Hindutva camp on January 28 of this year.
Yet, during his 17 months in power, the Bihar government managed to provide over four lakh jobs and conducted a caste survey, subsequently implementing 75% reservation for economically disadvantaged classes in these positions.
Despite his vocal assertions, the reality remains that Narendra Modi and his ally Nitish, whom he repeatedly gains and loses, are approaching the ages of 74 and 73, respectively, as the Lok Sabha elections draw near. Biologically, they find themselves in the twilight of their lives. Moreover, India is confronted with unprecedented unemployment issues, which Modi cannot overshadow with the clamor surrounding the Ram temple. Nitish, whose Janata Dal (United) saw a reduction to 42 MLAs in 2020, has lost credibility with the people due to his recurrent flip-flops.
The political players in the anti-BJP sphere in the Hindi heartland, encompassing Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, can be categorized into three groups. First are those who are part of the INDIA bloc, openly challenging Narendra Modi’s political machinery. Secondly, there are those who remain in opposition but are fearful of the actions of the Central Bureau of Investigation, Income Tax, and Enforcement Directorate. Lastly, the third category comprises individuals who have defected to the BJP out of fear of investigative agencies, allurements, or other motivations.
Leading the charge against the BJP on North India’s political landscape are the Delhi Chief Minister, Arvind Kejriwal, the Samajwadi Party leader, Akhilesh Yadav, Tejashwi Yadav, and the ageing yet formidable former Jammu and Kashmir Governor, Satyapal Malik. Despite facing the crackdown from the CBI, ED, and IT, they remain steadfast in their fight to "save democracy and the constitution." Among them, Tejashwi, though the youngest, appears to stand tallest in stature.
On the other hand, the former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Mayawati, serves as a quintessential example of withdrawing from the battlefield and retreating into her cocoon in the face of pressure from investigating agencies allegedly being wielded as a "weapon" by the BJP. Nitish Kumar in Bihar and Jayant Choudhary of the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) in western Uttar Pradesh fall into the third category of leaders who recently switched allegiance to the BJP, driven by allurements, power greed, or other motives.
At the forefront of the resistance against what historian and scholar Christophe Jaffrelot has labeled as "majoritarian politics" is, naturally, the Congress leader, Rahul Gandhi. Among the emerging leaders opposing Hindutva in the Hindi heartland, Tejashwi was the first to join Rahul’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra in Sasaram, central Bihar. Driving a jeep with Rahul seated beside him, Tejashwi signaled his solidarity with Rahul, mirroring what his father, Lalu Prasad Yadav, had done for Sonia Gandhi in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Despite initial challenges in seat-sharing in Uttar Pradesh, Akhilesh Yadav also joined Rahul in Agra.
However, Tejashwi is seemingly poised to become Rahul Gandhi's most robust ally in the latter's broader campaign to defeat the BJP in the Hindi heartland, which serves as the epicenter of Hindutva power. Undoubtedly, Tejashwi is on track to emerge as the strongest regional leader in the mould of his father in the battle against Hindutva.