Seated beside the driver in the front seat, I inquired, “Why should he (Prime Minister Narendra Modi) go? Didn't you vote for him in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections?”

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“We did vote for Kejriwal (incarcerated Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal) because he provided schools, drinking water facilities, mohalla clinics, free electricity up to 200 units, and several other civic amenities. Kejriwal has consistently delivered on what he promised to us,” he said.

Expanding on his arguments, the young driver said, “We voted for Modi to strengthen our country at the national level. Additionally, he promised us employment, ease of finding work, earning a livelihood, and a better life. However, he has made our lives hell. He has sent the Chief Minister and several leaders of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) who genuinely worked for us to jail.”

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When it was pointed out that the Enforcement Directorate has arrested the AAP leaders on charges of corruption, the driver said, “It's all a farce. The ED never arrests leaders who face corruption charges and shift to Modi's party (Bharatiya Janata Party). The BJP has more corrupt leaders than other parties. The ED is under Modi's control.”

Instead of attending INDIA's massive rally where leaders attacked the BJP for their coercive actions against opposition leaders in a no-holds-barred manner, I opted to travel around the city in as many as six taxis. "Bahut ho gaya, badalna jaroori hai (Enough is enough. We need a change now)," another driver said.

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Drawing conclusions about the results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections solely based on conversations with six drivers would be foolhardy. Moreover, there are no signs of weakness in the BJP's massive electoral machinery, cadre structure, and its vice-like control over the overall system. The ruling party, which is the largest beneficiary of the electoral bond scheme now declared illegal by the Supreme Court, remains far ahead of the Congress, allegedly stifled access to its own bank account and slapped with fines by the Income Tax department.

Furthermore, the Hindutva party, in terms of political allies, is as well placed in 2024 as it was during the 2019 elections, particularly in the Hindi heartland comprising Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh. These states have been the crucible of the BJP’s rise to power after the 2014 polls, and the party performed stupendously well in these states during the 2019 polls too.

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The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which had secured 39 out of 40 seats in Bihar in 2019, has strengthened its political standing by bringing Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar back into its fold. It has also reached seat-sharing agreements with the Janata Dal (United) and the Lok Janshakti Party, much like it did prior to the previous general elections.

In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP has successfully regained almost all of its former allies, countering the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance. In the 2019 polls, the SP was allied with the Bahujan Samaj Party, while in 2024, the party of Akhilesh Yadav has formed an alliance with the Congress. When measured on the scale of treatment of minorities and support for radical Hindutva elements, the BJP's social base appears to remain intact on paper.

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The BJP comfortably defeated the Congress in Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh in the recent assembly elections. Considering his party's strength in the Hindi heartland, Narendra Modi has set the ambitious target of "chharsau paar (more than 400 seats)" for the upcoming polls.

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However, what appears to be changing is the mood of the voters regarding Modi and his beleaguered opponents. In a way, there are striking similarities in the processes of the rise of both Modi and Kejriwal. Despite being trained in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) exclusionary ideology, Modi operated in an unconventional manner, rising to the top of the Indian political system in 2014.

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On the other hand, Kejriwal is neither a product of caste politics nor communal politics. His ascent to the position of a phenomenally popular Chief Minister of Delhi in 2013 and his consistent maintenance of popularity in the national capital cannot be analyzed with the conventional tools that pollsters have been using over the years.

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The BJP had secured all seven seats of Delhi in the 2019 elections, with the Congress and AAP contesting separately at that time. What is noticeably changing on the streets of Delhi is the perception of the people towards the two leaders. "Modi Kejriwal par atyachar kar raha hai, dara hua hai (Modi is exerting excesses on Kejriwal, he (Modi) is fearful)," remarked a fruit vendor near the posh Ashoka Hotel, an escape to several affluent politicians and industrialists on the Kautilya Marg.

Few on the streets of Delhi are inclined to accept the BJP leaders' portrayal of AAP leaders as corrupt and BJP leaders as honest. "Kejriwal is an IIT graduate and a former civil servant, whereas nothing is known about Modi's education. Modi is loudmouth while Kejriwal is a performer," expressed a youth pursuing an MBA at a Delhi institute, conveying his concerns about potential unemployment after completing his education.

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While there is no empirical data regarding the overall mood of the people beyond Delhi and in the larger Hindi heartland, conversations with individuals on the streets of Delhi clearly indicate a shift in the electoral winds. If the breeze blowing in the national capital extends to other parts of the Hindi heartland, the election results could surprise and unsettle the incumbent ruling establishment of India. Another noticeable phenomenon is that voters are cautious about speaking out for fear of retribution. They remain silent, waiting for the opportunity to express themselves through their votes

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