Issues spanning from Sanatan Dharma to Ram Mandir to the Hindu concept of Shakti dominate the campaign trail.

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Speaking at an event, former BJP leader and President of India Foundation, Ram Madhav asserted: "BJP's Hindutva leadership freed millions of women from chullahs and triple talaq." Ram Madhav claimed that Hindutva "is totally non-discriminatory....it is for the welfare of everybody."

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On January 22, the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi at the consecration ceremony of the Ram Mandir (built at an estimated cost of Rs 1,800 crore) declared-""This is a temple of national consciousness in the form of Ram, Lord Ram is India's faith, foundation, idea, law and glory." At this juncture, the debate raging between the BJP and the Congress is over "Shakti." And it is through this debate, BJP is trying to consolidate the Hindu vote bank.

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On Tuesday (March 19), the Prime Minister launched a scathing attack on INDIA bloc over Rahul Gandhi's "Shakti" remark saying that "opposition insulted the Hindu faith."  Speaking at a rally during his Bharat Nyay Yatra,  Rahul Gandhi had said that "there is a word Shakti in Hinduism. We are fighting against a Shakti. The question is what is that Shakti? The soul of the King is in the EVM"  Pouncing on the word "Shakti" BJP has branded the Opposition as "anti-Hindu." For the Prime Minister, "Shakti" is   “Maatru Shakti", "Naari Shakti". "

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At a rally in Tamil Nadu, Modi cleverly played that religious card saying-"Shakti refers to the divine and manifests in the form of Mariamman (Goddess of weather worshipped across Tamil Nadu), Madurai Meenakshiamman and Kanchi Kamakshiamma." Then came the sting. "DMK and Congress don't target any other faith but do not waste a second in abusing Hinduism." Pushed to a corner yet again, Rahul Gandhi is now trying desperately to clarify that he was "not referring" to any religious power, but the "Shakti of corruption and falsehood." Even as he continued to accuse the Prime Minister of "distorting" his words, there's no stopping the BJP.

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A few months back following DMK leader and actor Uadhayanidhi's remark on Sanatan Dharma, the Prime Minister told his cabinet colleagues to give a "befitting reply to those insulting Sanatan Dharma." The Modi government's notification on the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) is also being viewed as "anti-Muslim" by its critics. On March 20 US Senator Ben Cardin said that he was "deeply concerned" over the CAA notification by the Indian government  and "its potential  ramifications" for the Muslims in India. Earlier reacting sharply to a similar observation by the US State department, the MEA spokesperson, Randhir Jaisawal called the US State department's comments "misplaced, misinformed and unwarranted."

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The CAA notification provides fast track citizenship for Hindus, Parsis, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and Christians fleeing persecution from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Muslims have not been included in this list.

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Therefore, if it is Lord Ram in the Hindi heartland, it's the local deities in the South and in the tribal belts. The BJP leaders also speak of the Prime Minister's "special efforts" to "rejuvenate" temples in India which range from Somnath temple, Kedarnath temple, Char Dham projects in Uttarakhand, and temples abroad. In the high stake electoral arena, the BJP has set its sights ambitiously on 350 out of 543 Lok Sabha seats.

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Recognising the formidable challenge ahead, the party strategists have realised that to come anywhere near this daunting figure, they must not only solidify their support among the Hindu electorate but also embark on a trajectory of exponential expansion. Speaking on condition of anonymity a BJP leader shed light on the party's strategic calculus, asserting this kind of expansion can only be done on the basis of an emotive issue. "In India nothing stirs the passion quite like religion," he said.

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It may be recalled that despite securing resounding electoral victories both in 2014 and 2019 BJP's vote share never reached 40% mark. The party's  vote share plateaued at 37.36%. In its quest to transcend the boundaries it has been working on a mission to "Hinduise" the nation. Besides cultural nationalism, the other tactic in the saffron arsenal is the technique of "Othering"- a tool employed to delineate an "us versus them" narrative, along the religious or cultural lines. The party has deftly used a ranged of "identity signifiers" which include symbols, rituals and cultural markers to reinforce its "Hindu nationalist agenda".

Soumi Banerjee in an article in the European Consortium for Political Research's political science blog, 'The Loop', wrote that the "Hindu nationalists are using othering and identity signifiers  to appeal to a broad section of India's fractured population..." On the issue of "Hindu nationalists' awakening" the author pointed out how chapters on Mughal history were "deleted" from school textbooks. Legislations like "Love Jihad," and deployment of "Anti-Romeo Squads (to protect the honour of women) have emerged as prominent strategies of its majoritarian politics.

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According to a report in a leading English newspaper, in 2023 "India recorded 608 documented hate speech targeting minority communities." The report stated that "about 75% of the events took place in BJP ruled states and Union Territories." This underscores growing concerns about the proliferation of divisive rhetoric and discriminatory practices.

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The political analysts observed that the ascent of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has ushered in a notable surge in what can be termed as "Hindu Pride." This is a part of a broader strategy to galvanise support and bolster nationalist sentiments and central to this agenda is the propagation of an anti-Pakistan-China narrative, aimed at fostering a sense of unity and jingoistic nationalism. Frequent remarks like "Go to Pakistan" are used by BJP leaders and functionaries to dismiss voices of dissent and reinforce the narrative of an embattled Hindu identity under siege, pitting "us" against perceived external threats.

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Political strategist, Prashant Kishor, touring Bihar to spread political awareness told a gathering-"Your children don't have proper food, no slippers, hardly have any clothes, but you all are not bothered about your children, you are concerned about what's happening in China and Pakistan. Your educated children are sitting at home without jobs but you are voting on the basis of Pulwama, Pakistan, China...You vote on the basis of religion, caste and then ask why our condition is not improving."

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With a sharp focus on Hindu-centric politics, observers often ask-Is the Muslim vote not deemed important for BJP's electoral arithmetic? Muslims constitute nearly 14% of India's population and reportedly influence only 50 of the 543 Lok Sabha constituencies. A senior BJP leader observed that "the fragmented nature of the Opposition and proliferation of secular candidates often result in a division of Muslim votes, inadvertently boosting BJP's electoral fortunes."

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Highlighting the concept of "reverse consolidation" it was argued that as Muslim voters gravitate towards secular candidates, other communities unite in BJP's favour, enabling the party candidates to race ahead."

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Questioning the traditional concept of Muslims voting "en bloc", Feyaad Allie in an article-"Mapping Muslim Voting in India" on Carnegie Endowment for International Peace stated that "since 2019 general elections, Muslims have become more likely to vote in a unified way, but the political salience of caste in the Muslim community appears to have increased at the same time...In the coming 2024 elections, while it still seems unlikely that Muslim will vote entirely on their caste or sect identity, it is clear that sub-identities will shape both campaigning and voting to some degree."

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Talking of the possibility of a split in Muslim vote following BJP's relentless move to woo the Pasmanda Muslims (socially and economically isolated Muslims in India) Allie wrote that "with the BJP's moblisation of Pasmanda Muslims gathering steam and opposition parties plotting countermeasures, it would be unwise to limit investigations of caste to the Hindu community alone."  He argued that if the BJP "is even moderately successful in consummating its outreach to Pasmanda Muslims, researchers may need to retire the idea of Muslims voting en bloc..."